Meeting of the Security Council on the situation Syria : Chinese and Russian vetoes

The President (Ms Ogwu of Nigeria): Under rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting.

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda.

Members of the Council have before them document S/2011/612, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by France, Germany, Portugal and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

It is my understanding that the Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now.

A vote was taken by a show of hands.

In favour:
Bosnia and Herzegovina, C olombia, France, Gabon, Germany, Nigeria, Portugal, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America

Against:
China, Russian Federation

Abstentions:
Brazil, India, Lebanon, South Africa

The President: There were 9 votes in favour, 2 votes against and 4 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted, owing to the negative vote of a permanent member of the Council.

I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting.

Mr. Araud (France) spoke in French: I would of course first like to very warmly commend the Permanent Representative of Lebanon, who held the presidency of the Security Council for the month of September, for the enormously effective and courageous manner in which he carried out his duties. I would also like to congratulate you, Madame President, on having assumed your duties as President of the Council.

More than 2,700 civilian victims and tens of thousands of protesters held in Syrian prisons, more than 10,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan — that is the terrible toll on which the Syrian authorities can pride themselves since the beginning of the demonstrations, early in March. That is the terrible toll that some around this table today have still refused to condemn.

Since May, we have worked unrelentingly to bring about a response from the Security Council. Our objective was simple and remains so: to stop the brutal crackdown by the Syrian regime against its own people, who are legitimately demanding to exercise their most fundamental rights. This would create an atmosphere free of violence and intimidation and thus allow for the emergence of an inclusive political process led by and for the Syrian people.

To that end, France has assumed its responsibilities at the national and European levels. The European Union has adopted numerous series of sanctions against those responsible for the violence and the measures that have allowed the repression to continue. At the same time, diplomatic efforts continued against the Damascus regime. Those efforts were extensive and included those made by members of the Security Council. The Syrian authorities have remained deaf to those efforts. Faced with the extreme violence being brought against a population demanding to exercise their rights; faced with the deafness of the Syrian authorities; and confronted with the risk of regional instability, a united response from the international community was, and continues to be, necessary. The Security Council, which has the primary responsibility of maintaining peace and security, is therefore the natural spokesperson for the international community.

Since May, we have worked tirelessly to ensure that the Council can send a clear and united message to the Syrian authorities. After the massacre in Hama, the Council adopted, on 3 August, a presidential statement (S/PRST/2011/16) condemning the Syrian authorities and calling for an immediate end to all violence. On that basis, we prepared a draft resolution. Every effort has been made to understand the concerns of some members of the Council and to prepare a unanimous response. Each of us knows that we agreed to modify our text on many occasions. In particular, we agreed to withdraw the proposed sanctions, which we thought were necessary. Each of us knows that we made numerous concessions. The text that we submitted today is, in many ways, very similar to the presidential statement that we adopted on 3 August. It was to have updated that statement in the light of recent events.

Thus, we cannot doubt the meaning of the veto against this text today. This is not a matter of language, it is a political choice. It is a veto on principle, which means that it is a refusal of all Council resolutions against Syria. It shows disdain for the legitimate aspirations that have been so bravely expressed in Syria for the past five months. It is a rejection of this tremendous movement for freedom and democracy that is the Arab Spring.

Let there be no mistake. This veto will not stop us. No veto can give carte blanche to the Syrian authorities, who have lost all legitimacy by murdering their own people. The appeals of the Arab League to put an end to this blood-letting, the statements from neighbouring countries and the suffering of the Syrian people clearly show that this veto runs counter to the path of the historic events occurring in Syria and throughout the region.

In the Security Council and within the European Union, France, along with all its partners, will not cease its efforts to ensure that the rights of the Syrian people are recognized and respected, so that those responsible for the violence can one day be brought to justice — and they will — and to promote an inclusive, credible political process that can fulfil the aspirations that are being expressed daily in Syria.

In conclusion, I should like to pay tribute to the courage of all those women and men who continue, after months of bloody repression, to call for freedom in Syria. Only an effective response to those aspirations can restore stability to that country, on which depends the stability of a fragile region. The international community and the Council in particular, given its mandate, cannot escape its obligation to ensure that this happens, and we regret that that was not the case tonight.

Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in
Russian): Madam, I wish you success in your work as
President of the Security Council for this month. We
would also like to thank Ambassador Salam and the
entire Lebanese delegation for their outstanding work
in September, which was not easy.

It is clear that the result of today’s vote reflects
not so much a question of acceptability of wording as a
conflict of political approaches. That is the only part of
what was said by my French colleague with which I
agree. From the outset, the Russian delegation
undertook intensive, constructive efforts to develop an
effective response on the part of the Council to the
dramatic events in Syria. The first such response was
reflected in a consensual statement issued by the
President on 3 August (S/PRST/2011/16). Based on
that approach, together with our Chinese partners we
prepared a draft resolution to which, as events
developed, we made some changes, bearing in mind the
concerns of our colleagues on the Council. We would
like to thank our partners, especially Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa — the BRICS States —
for supporting our text.

Of vital importance is the fact that at the heart of
the Russian and Chinese draft was the logic of respect
for the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of
Syria as well as the principle of non-intervention,
including military, in its affairs; the principle of the
unity of the Syrian people; refraining from
confrontation; and inviting all to an even-handed and
comprehensive dialogue aimed at achieving civil peace
and national agreement by reforming the socioeconomic and political life of the country.

Today’s rejected draft was based on a very
different philosophy — the philosophy of
confrontation. We cannot agree with this unilateral,
accusatory bent against Damascus. We deem
unacceptable the threat of an ultimatum and sanctions
against the Syrian authorities. Such an approach
contravenes the principle of a peaceful settlement of
the crisis on the basis of a full Syrian national
dialogue. Our proposals for wording on the
non-acceptability of foreign military intervention were
not taken into account, and, based on the well-known
events in North Africa, that can only put us on our
guard. Equally alarming is the weak wording in
connection with the opposition and the lack of an
appeal to them to distance themselves from extremists.
Given the basis of statements by some Western
politicians on President Al-Assad’s loss of legitimacy,
such an approach could trigger a full-fledged conflict
in Syria and destabilization in the region as a whole.
The collapse of Syria as a result of a civil war would
have a very destructive impact on the situation in the
entire Middle East.

The situation in Syria cannot be considered in the
Council separately from the Libyan experience. The
international community is alarmed by statements that
compliance with Security Council resolutions on Libya
in the NATO interpretation is a model for the future
actions of NATO in implementing the responsibility to
protect. It is easy to see that today’s “Unified
Protector” model could happen in Syria. All present
should understand that the Russian position regarding
the conflict in Libya is in no way based on any kind of
special ties with the Al-Qadhafi regime, especially
since a number of States represented at this table had
warmer relations with the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

The people of Libya have spoken regarding
Al-Qadhafi, and they have determined his fate. For us,
Members of the United Nations, including in terms of a
precedent, it is very important to know how the
resolution was implemented and how a Security
Council resolution turned into its opposite.

The demand for a quick ceasefire turned into a
full-fledged civil war, the humanitarian, social,
economic and military consequences of which
transcend Libyan borders. The situation in connection
with the no-fly zone has morphed into the bombing of
oil refineries, television stations and other civilian
sites. The arms embargo has morphed into a naval
blockade in western Libya, including a blockade of
humanitarian goods. Today the tragedy of Benghazi has
spread to other western Libyan towns — Sirte and Bani
Walid. These types of models should be excluded from
global practices once and for all.

With respect to Syria, we are not advocates of the
Al-Assad regime. We believe that the violence is
unacceptable, and we condemn the repression of
protests by peaceful demonstrators. However, the
continuation of this tragedy cannot be blamed only on
the harsh actions of the authorities. Recent events
convincingly show that the radical opposition no
longer hides its extremist bent and is relying on
terrorist tactics, hoping for foreign sponsors and acting
outside of the law. Armed groups supported by
smuggling and other illegal activities are providing
supplies, taking over land, and killing and perpetrating
atrocities against people who comply with the lawenforcement authorities.

In universities and schools, representatives of the
Syrian intelligentsia and civil service have recently
been casualties of the terrorists. We convey our
condolences to Mufti Ahmad Hassoon, who is well
known in the East for his active efforts to lay the
foundations for tolerance and international dialogue, in
connection with the death of his 22-year-old son in a
terrorist attack on Sunday.

We must bear in mind the fact that a significant
number of Syrians do not agree with the demand for a
quick regime change and would rather see gradual
changes, believing that they have to be implemented
while maintaining civil peace and harmony in the
country. Such changes, even if they are late in coming,
are still beginning to be implemented, and we must not
overlook this. The best way to end the crisis is to
refuse to provoke a confrontation and to bring together
all responsible members of the international
community so as to induce the parties to launch an
inclusive intra-Syrian political process. This is the path
taken in Yemen, where intensive mediation efforts are
under way aimed at bringing together the belligerent
parties.

Russia is continuing to work with Damascus. We
call on the Syrian leadership to more speedily
implement the changes. They need to free those who
have been detained during the unrest and who have
committed no criminal acts. A more active dialogue
must be undertaken with the opposition and access
must be given to the international media, as well as
step up their interaction with the League of Arab
States. Judging by what the Arab League has done and
what is being shown on television, our efforts are
bearing fruit. We are continuing to work with
constructive patriotic groups of the Syrian opposition
who are concerned about the fate of their country and
who have said that they want no foreign interference in
their internal affairs.

We believe that today’s message will be correctly
understood by the opposition forces. There is no
alternative to dialogue; there cannot be. If the
opposition believes that Mr. Al-Assad’s laws are
imperfect, then it must take up the invitation of the
Government to discuss them. We will indicate our
concerns to the leaders of the Syrian opposition when
they visit Moscow in the near future. Changes for a
peaceful resolution are possible, and we will be
supporting those prospects in coordination with all
constructively inclined peace partners.

If Council colleagues agree with our approach,
which is aimed at dialogue and full national
reconciliation in Syria, we will continue to work on the
Russian-Chinese draft so as to arrive at a balanced
resolution containing the vital elements for a
settlement. Our draft remains on the table.

On that basis, we are prepared to develop a
genuinely collective and constructive position for the
international community and not get involved with
legitimizing previously adopted unilateral sanctions or
attempts at violent regime change. The people of Syria
deserve peaceful change, with the support of the
international community.

Mr. Li Baodong (China) (spoke in Chinese):
China is highly concerned about the developments in
Syria. We call on the various parties in Syria to
exercise restraint and to avoid more bloodshed all
forms of violence. We hope that the Syrian
Government will implement commitments to reform.
We also hope that a Syrian-led and inclusive political
process will be launched as soon as possible, so as to
facilitate the early easing of tension there.

The international community should provide
constructive assistance to facilitate the achievement of
the objectives I have mentioned. In the meantime, it
should fully respect Syria’s sovereignty, independence
and territorial integrity. Whether the Security Council
takes further action on the question of Syria should
depend upon whether it would facilitate the easing of
tension in Syria, help to defuse differences through
political dialogue and contribute to the maintenance of
peace and stability in the Middle East. Most important,
is should depend upon whether it complies with the
Charter of the United Nations and the principle of
non-interference in the internal affairs of States —
which has a bearing upon the security and survival of
developing countries, in particular small and mediumsized countries, as well as on world peace and stability.

The Chinese Government’s position on those
questions has been consistent and firm. On that basis,
China has always participated positively and
constructively in the consultations on the relevant draft
resolutions. At the moment, the Security Council has
before it two draft resolutions. One, which China
supports, advocates respect for the sovereignty of Syria
and resolving the crisis there through political
dialogue. With regard to the other draft resolution,
which the Council considered today, like quite a few
other Council members, China believes that, under the
current circumstances, sanctions or the threat thereof
does not help to resolve the question of Syria and,
instead, may further complicate the situation.
Regrettably and disappointingly, this major and
legitimate concern did not receive due attention from
the sponsors. As it now stands, the draft resolution
focuses solely on exerting pressure on Syria, even
threatening to impose sanctions. It does not help to
facilitate the easing of the situation in Syria. China
therefore voted against it.

Syria is an important country in the Middle East.
The maintenance of peace and stability in Syria serves
the common interests of the Syrian people and the
international community. Along with the international
community, China is willing to play a positive and
constructive role in appropriately resolving the
question of Syria. We will continue to support the
mediation efforts of the relevant countries and
organizations in the region.

Mr. Moraes Cabral (Portugal): Allow me, first
of all, to congratulate you, Madame President, on your
assumption of the presidency of the Security Council,
as well as to wish you every success. I also wish to
thank Ambassador Nawaf Salam and his team for the
very efficient and wise way in which they conducted
the Council’s work during the month of September,
often in very challenging conditions.

We deeply regret that the Security Council was
unable to unanimously and unequivocally condemn,
and demand an immediate end to, the Syrian
Government’s violent repression against its population,
even though the situation in the country has continued
to deteriorate since the adoption of the presidential
statement of the Council on 3 August.

As underlined all throughout this process, the key
concern and objective of the draft resolution was to
prevent further bloodshed and ensure a peaceful
solution to the crisis in Syria. As such, and in an
attempt to ensure a unified voice from the Council on a
situation of such troubling proportions, the members of
the European Union engaged openly and constructively
with all members of the Council to ensure the adoption
of a meaningful resolution with a view to sparing
Syrians further suffering. We are therefore deeply
disappointed with the outcome of today’s voting.

The situation in Syria is of the utmost concern.
The Syrian Government’s violent repression against its
population and the ongoing violations of human rights
and fundamental freedoms must cease immediately. We
regret the huge loss of life and strongly condemn the
widespread human rights violations. Those responsible
for human rights violations must be held accountable.
We urge the Syrian authorities to cooperate fully with
the commission of inquiry mandated by the Human
Rights Council and to allow it expeditious and
unhindered access.

We equally regret that the Syrian Government has
repeatedly failed to heed the many calls urging an end
to the violence and the undertaking of genuine,
credible and inclusive political process. By persistently
ignoring the appeals of Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon, members of the Council and the Human
Rights Council, the League of Arab States and its own
neighbours, the Syrian authorities have allowed the
situation to escalate and undermine the security and
stability of the country and that of an already fragile
region.

As it has stated many times before, Portugal
remains fully committed to the sovereignty,
independence, territorial integrity and national unity of
Syria. We therefore once again call for an inclusive and
credible Syrian-led political process aimed at
effectively addressing the legitimate aspirations and
concerns of Syria’s population. Dialogue is the one and
only way to ensure a peaceful outcome to the crisis in
Syria. Violence and repression can never be the answer.

Mr. Hardeep Singh Puri (India): I want to start
by congratulating you, Madame President, on your
assumption of the presidency of the Security Council
for the month of October. We have no doubt that you
will have an extremely successful presidency. I would
also like to take this opportunity to complement
Lebanon, and in particular Ambassador Nawaf Salam,
for the very wise and able stewardship that he provided
to the Council during September, a difficult month at
the best of times.

Both historically and in contemporary times,
Syria has been an important country in the Middle
East. Its role in the Middle East peace process and in
the stability of the wider region cannot be
overemphasized. Prolonged instability and unrest in
Syria therefore clearly have ramifications for the
region and beyond.

India remains concerned about the unfolding
events in Syria that have resulted in the deaths of
hundreds of civilians and security force personnel. We
deplore all violence, irrespective of who its
perpetrators are.

We recognize the responsibility of all States to
respect the fundamental rights of their people, address
their legitimate aspirations and respond to their
grievances through administrative, political, economic
and other measures. At the same time, States also have
the obligation to protect their citizens from armed
groups and militants. While the right of people to
protest peacefully is to be respected, States cannot but
take appropriate action when militant groups —
heavily armed — resort to violence against State
authority and infrastructure.

Given the complexity of ground realities in Syria,
we believe that engaging Syria in a collaborative and
constructive dialogue and partnership is the only
pragmatic and productive way forward. In our bilateral
contacts with the Syrian Government, as well as
through the India-Brazil-South Africa initiative, we
have urged them to exercise restraint, abjure violence
and pay heed to the aspirations of their people.

The international community should give time
and space for the Syrian Government to implement the
far-reaching reform measures they have announced.
For this, it is also necessary that the opposition forces
in Syria give up the path of armed insurrection and
engage constructively with the authorities. We firmly
believe that the actions of the international community
should facilitate engagement of the Syrian Government
and the opposition in a Syrian-led inclusive political
process, and not complicate the situation by threats of
sanctions, regime change, et cetera.

The resolution under the Council’s consideration
does not accommodate our concern about the threat of
sanctions. It does not condemn the violence perpetrated
by the Syrian opposition, nor does it place any
responsibility on the opposition to abjure violence and
engage with the Syrian authorities for redressing of
their grievances through a peaceful political process.
We have, therefore, abstained in the vote on the
resolution.

Sir Mark Lyall Grant (United Kingdom): May I
take this opportunity to congratulate you, Madame
President, on taking over the presidency of the Security
Council for the month of October and to wish you well
in that task. I also wish to thank Ambassador Nawaf
Salam and his team from Lebanon, who ably stewarded
the Council in September.

The United Kingdom is deeply disappointed by
the decision of some Council members to block the
adoption of the draft resolution submitted today by the
European members of the Council. Two months ago,
this Council adopted a presidential statement
(S/PRST/2011/16) condemning the widespread
violations of human rights and the use of force against
civilians by the Syrian authorities. It called for an
immediate end to violence, compliance with
obligations under international law and for the Syrian
Government to implement its stated commitments to
reform.

Since the presidential statement, the situation has
deteriorated further. The regime continues to brutally
repress its people. It has killed almost three thousand
civilians. It has used disproportionate force and has
arbitrarily detained many thousands of people. Its
actions may amount to crimes against humanity. There
is no sign of reform or of a genuine attempt to address
the concerns of the Syrian population. How can there
be genuine dialogue when the regime is denying its
people freedom of assembly and freedom of speech?

The failure of the Syrian regime to heed calls of
the international community, both bilateral and
collective, has been met with increasing concern by
Syria’s neighbours and the wider region. Two weeks
ago, the United Nations Secretary-General said that
enough is enough, and called for the international
community to take coherent measures.

Against this backdrop, the time for strong
Security Council action was long overdue. We, and
indeed the majority of members of the Council,
believed that the time had come for the imposition of
sanctions. But a minority — two with the power of
veto — said they would oppose sanctions.

In an attempt to maintain the unity of this
Council, for the past few weeks we have therefore been
engaged in intensive negotiations aimed at ensuring
that the Council could at least send a strong signal to
the Syrian regime to stop the violence. Through these
negotiations we tried to meet the stated concerns of
Council members. We removed the sanctions. Still, it
was unacceptable to the minority. We called on all
sides to reject violence and extremism. Still it was
unacceptable. We removed any sense that sanctions
would automatically follow in 30 days if the regime
failed to comply, and still it was unacceptable. By
including reference to Article 41 of the United Nations
Charter we made it clear that any further steps would
be non-military in nature. Still it was unacceptable.

The text we voted on today contained nothing
that any member of this Council should have felt the
need to oppose. Yet two members chose to veto. It will
be a deep disappointment to the people of Syria and to
the wider region that some members of this Council
could not show their support for their struggle for basic
human rights that most populations of the countries
around this table enjoy.

Some members of the Security Council have
made bilateral attempts to engage President Assad and
to persuade the Syrian Government to change course
and implement reform. Each time, they have received
vague promises of reform, and each time the Syrian
Government has failed to deliver. By blocking this
resolution, the onus is now on those countries to step
up their efforts to persuade the Syrian Government to
end the violence and pursue genuine reform.

If the situation continues as it is, this Council will
have to shoulder its responsibilities and take the tough
action that it has, unfortunately, been prevented from
taking today.

Mr. Osorio (Colombia) (spoke in Spanish): I
wish to join my colleagues in hailing you, Madame
President, and commending you on taking on the
presidency of the Security Council. I wish you the
greatest of success. You will have our full support. I
would also like to thank the President last month, the
Ambassador of Lebanon, and his entire team for the
extraordinary guidance of our work.

My delegation voted in favour of the draft
resolution proposed by Germany, France, Portugal and
the United Kingdom. We are convinced that it is the
ideal and necessary means for urging the Syrian
authorities to immediately cease their violent offensive
against the civilian population so that an independent
inquiry can be launched into all human rights
violations committed during the protests and calling for
punishment of those responsible for violence in all its
forms.

The primary responsibility of the Government of
Syria is to protect its population. It has not done so —
much to the contrary. We are aware that the solution to
the crisis in that country will come through a political
process that effectively bears in mind the legitimate
aspirations of the people. However, it is first and
foremost necessary that their fundamental freedoms
and human rights be respected.

We regret that the Security Council did not adopt
this text and that the veto was used to reject it. After
several months of negotiations the non-imposition of
sanctions was attempted; that was a concession. Also,
the Syrian authorities were urged to move ahead with
the reforms, which have still not been implemented.

Ms. Rice (United States of America): Before I
begin my statement, let me congratulate you, Madame
President, on assuming the presidency of the Council
for the month of October. We know you will lead us
ably, and we very much look forward to cooperating
with you. Let me join others in paying tribute to
Lebanon and Ambassador Nawaf Salam for his stellar
leadership of the Council through a very difficult
month. We are grateful to him.

The United States is outraged that this Council
has utterly failed to address an urgent moral challenge
and a growing threat to regional peace and security.
Several members have sought for weeks to weaken and
strip bare any texts that would have defended the lives
of innocent civilians from Assad’s brutality. Today, two
members have vetoed a vastly watered-down text that
does not even mention sanctions.

Let me be clear. The United States believes it is
past time for this Council to assume its responsibilities
and impose tough, targeted sanctions and an arms
embargo on the Assad regime, as we have done
domestically. Yet today, the courageous people of Syria
can now see clearly who on this Council supports their
yearning for liberty and universal human rights, and
who does not.

During this season of change, the people of the
Middle East can now see clearly which nations have
chosen to ignore their calls for democracy and instead
prop up desperate, cruel dictators. Those who oppose
this draft resolution and give cover to a brutal regime
will have to answer to the Syrian people and, indeed, to
people across the region who are pursuing the same
universal aspirations.

The record is clear. For more than six months, the
Al-Assad regime has deliberately unleashed violence,
torture and persecution against peaceful protesters,
human rights defenders and their families. The High
Commissioner for Human Rights has already warned
that the Syrian Government’s appalling actions might
amount to crimes against humanity. The Al-Assad
regime’s critics have joined the chorus of
condemnation from the region, including the Gulf
Cooperation Council, which demanded an immediate
end to what it called Assad’s “killing machine”. But the
Security Council has not yet passed even a hortatory
resolution to counter the Al-Assad regime’s brutal
oppression.

The arguments against strong Council action
grow weaker and weaker by the day. Some on the
Council argue that the Al-Assad regime’s abuses are
not that egregious or that the regime deserves more
time for its so-called reforms. But as reporting by the
United Nations itself makes clear, the Syrian
Government’s efforts to mask its continued atrocities
are as transparent as its promises of reform are empty.

Others claim that strong Security Council action
on Syria would merely be a pretext for military
intervention. Let there be no doubt: this is not about
military intervention; this is not about Libya. That is a
cheap ruse by those who would rather sell arms to the
Syrian regime than stand with the Syrian people.

This is about whether the Council, during a time
of sweeping change in the Middle East, will stand with
peaceful protesters crying out for freedom or with a
regime of thugs with guns that tramples human dignity
and human rights. As matters now stand, the Council
will not even mandate the dispatch of human rights
monitors to Syria, a grave failure that may doom the
prospects for peaceful protest in the face of a regime
that knows no limits.

In August, we clearly condemned the violence
and made clear that the Syrian regime’s repression is
utterly unacceptable. Several of us on the Council and
many throughout the international community have
voiced our condemnation and imposed sanctions on the
Al-Assad regime. Regional organizations such as the
League of Arab States, the Gulf Cooperation Council
and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation have
urged the Syrian Government to stop the bloodshed.
But the Syrian Government’s reply has been an
increase in the violence and repression, while some
Council members have chosen to look the other way.

We urge the Governments that failed to support
Council action to change course and heed the voices of
the Syrian people. The Al-Assad regime flatly refuses
to meet its international obligations, including those
laid out in the Council’s 3 August presidential
statement (S/PRST/2011/16). The international
community must bring real consequences to bear.

In failing to adopt the draft resolution before us,
the Council has squandered an opportunity to shoulder
its responsibilities to the Syrian people. We deeply
regret that some members of the Council have
prevented us from taking a principled stand against the
Syrian regime’s brutal oppression of its people. But the
suffering citizens of Syria are watching today, and so is
the entire Middle East. The crisis in Syria will stay
before the Security Council, and we will not rest until
the Council rises to meet its responsibilities.

Mr. Salam (Lebanon) (spoke in Arabic): First of
all, I would like to congratulate Nigeria, Madame
President, on assuming the presidency of the Security
Council for the month of October. I also wish to thank
the President and all my colleagues for their kind
words about our work during our presidency of the
Council last month.

Permit me once again to say that, given the
events unfolding in Syria, Lebanon would like to
defend that brotherly Arab country and its right to
sovereignty and the integrity of its people and land,
including the right to ensure the security and safety of
all its citizens. We would also like once again to
express our great sorrow at the death of all victims in
sisterly Syria. Thus, in conformity with the position it
took on 3 August regarding the presidential statement
(S/PRST/2011/16), and in protection of Syria’s unity
and stability, Lebanon today abstained from voting on
the draft resolution before us.

Mr. Barbalić (Bosnia and Herzegovina): At the
outset, allow me to congratulate the Nigerian
delegation for assuming the presidency, as well as to
congratulate Ambassador Salam and his delegation for
their excellent leadership in September.

I would like now to voice our deep concern over
the situation in Syria. Instead of witnessing a peaceful
democratization and reform process, we are seeing
further deterioration of the situation. Day in and day
out, the Syrians continue to count increasing numbers
of casualties. We would like to express our deepest
sympathies to the families and friends of those who
have lost their lives since the outbreak of the crisis in
the country.

While expressing our full support for Syrian
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, we
call upon the country’s authorities to immediately start
seeking ways to meet the legitimate aspirations and
demands of their people through an inclusive and
meaningful Syrian-led dialogue. We believe that the
effective implementation of announced reforms can
truly contribute to ending the unrest and restoring
peace and order in Syria.

We furthermore strongly condemn the continuing
violence and use of force, which is unacceptable under
international humanitarian and human rights law. We
call on the Syrian authorities to immediately stop such
actions. Human lives must be respected and protected.
We also reiterate our firm position that all those
responsible for committing crimes must be brought to
justice and held accountable for their actions.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is particularly worried
about information regarding the flow of refugees
fleeing the violence. We therefore underline the
importance of unimpeded access of the United Nations
and other international humanitarian organizations to
the affected population.

We strongly believe that the proposed draft
resolution addressed a number of critical issues.
Moreover, we still consider that only prompt and
decisive measures can bring about stabilization and
avoid further escalation of the crisis in Syria. Had it
been adopted, the proposed draft resolution could have
benefited the Syrian people and contributed to peace
and security in the region. Syria is an important
regional stakeholder, and its stability is crucial for the
peace process in the Middle East.

Mr. Wittig (Germany): Let me start by warmly
thanking Ambassador Nawaf Salam and his team for
his wise, effective and courageous leadership of the
Council in the month of September. Let me also join
others in congratulating you, Madame President, as
you assume the presidency of the Council for this
month; you can count on Germany’s support.

Since the beginning of this year, we have
witnessed tremendous change in the Arab world. We
see how peaceful demonstrators express their desire for
freedom, dignity and self-determination. We are
impressed by the courage of the people and their
readiness for sacrifice, in spite of oppression and
authoritarian rule. Throughout the region, we commend
all those who continue to express their legitimate
aspiration in a peaceful manner. We are appalled by
those who so brutally repress their own people.

The Syrian security forces — military and
militias — have violently and indiscriminately crushed
demonstrations that were overwhelmingly peaceful.
Syrians from all segments of society were demanding
their basic rights. Their aspirations were met with
tanks, bullets and mass arrests, as well as murder,
forced disappearance, torture, deprivation of liberty
and persecution.

We mourn the victims and have profound respect
for the hundreds of thousands of Syrians who have put
their lives at risk to achieve a better future for
themselves and their children. Thousands are still
under arrest, in many cases without contact with their
families. We urge the Syrian authorities to release all
political prisoners and detained political demonstrators
immediately.

For months now the international community has
called on the Syrian authorities to end all violence,
fully respect human rights and comply with their
obligations under international law. The Security
Council, the Secretary-General of the United Nations,
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights, the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Arab
League, the European Union and many, many
individual States and Governments — not a single one
of those appeals has been heeded by the Syrian regime.
On the contrary, the violent repression continued
unabated.

Today the Council finally had a chance to decide
that the actions of the Syrian leadership will not go
unanswered. We sincerely regret that members of the
Council could not find a common voice to
appropriately address the grave and systematic human
rights violations by the Syrian authorities.

The stakes are high. If the repression by the
Syrian regime does not stop, the country will move
closer to the brink of civil war. The stability of the
region is at risk. International peace and security are
threatened. This is not the time or place for a mere
wait-and-see approach; it is for actively engaging in
pursuit of greater stability.

Today the Council failed to live up to its
responsibilities under the Charter of the United
Nations: the maintenance of international peace and
security. But let me be very clear. My country would
have wished for a stronger resolution at a much earlier
stage. For the sake of a unified signal from the
Council, the European sponsors of this draft resolution
(S/2011/612) have been working eagerly towards a
compromise among Council members in recent weeks.
We made substantial concessions in order to gain the
support of the Council. We are deeply disappointed that
some members did not find themselves in a position to
reach a compromise, two of them using their veto
power.

This should not, however, spoil the message
already sent out by a large segment of the international
community: we do not want to stand idly by while
atrocities are being committed. The aspirations of the
Syrian people cannot be answered by tanks, bullets and
torture. Not only will members of the regime be held
accountable for their deeds; they also have to
understand that the only viable option for the future of
Syria is through a meaningful, Syrian-led political
process.

While we encourage political dialogue, we will
continue, if need be, to push for sanctions against those
who brutally repress their people and threaten
international peace and stability. We will do so within
the framework of the United Nations and the European
Union, and bilaterally. The people in Syria and the
Arab world should know that Germany, its partners and
all those who cherish the values of freedom, dignity
and self-determination will not relent in their efforts to
stand by them.

Mr. Sangqu (South Africa): Let me begin,
Madame President, by joining my colleagues in
congratulating you on your assumption of the
presidency of the Council this month. We wish you
every success. I also wish to thank Ambassador Salam
of Lebanon for his stewardship of the Council in the
busy month of September.

South Africa is deeply concerned about the
deteriorating political and humanitarian situation in
Syria. It is our hope that the situation will be resolved
in a peaceful manner and in accordance with the will of
the Syrian people. We condemn the loss of life in Syria
and call for maximum restraint on the part of all parties
to the conflict. We demand an immediate end to all
violence in Syria.

On the humanitarian front, we call on the Syrian
authorities to facilitate access for humanitarian
agencies, including the United Nations, in accordance
with the relevant international human rights and
humanitarian law.

We urge the Syrian authorities to initiate an open,
transparent and all-inclusive political process with
their people to address their grievances, in order to
guarantee their fundamental political rights and
freedoms, including their right to freedom of assembly
and freedom of speech. We also encourage the
opposition to participate in this political process with a
view to ensuring peace and stability in Syria.

A holistic political solution must be found, one
that will respect democracy, political reform, justice
and human rights, as well as the socio-economic
development needs of the people of Syria, in order to
ensure long-term peace and stability. This solution
must also preserve the unity, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Syria.

Syria is integral to a wider resolution of the
Middle East conflict. Its stability is linked to that of its
neighbours. Any action on the part of the international
community on Syria, therefore, including action by the
Security Council, should be cognizant of the regional
implications. We have seen recently that Security
Council resolutions have been abused, and that their
implementation has gone far beyond the mandate of
what was intended.

With the regard to the draft resolution
(S/2011/612) before us, South Africa was concerned
about the sponsors’ intention to impose punitive
measures that would have pre-judged the resolution’s
implementation. We believe that these were designed
as a prelude to further actions. We are concerned that
this draft resolution not be part of a hidden agenda
aimed at once again instituting regime change, which
has been an objective clearly stated by some. We are
thus concerned about the fact that the sponsors of this
draft resolution rejected language that clearly excluded
the possibility of military intervention in the resolution
of the Syrian crisis. We maintain that the Security
Council should proceed with caution on Syria lest we
exacerbate an already volatile situation.

It is for these reasons that my delegation
abstained on the draft resolution before us.

Mrs. Viotti (Brazil): I wish to congratulate you,
Madame President, on assuming the presidency of the
Council, and to pledge our full support to you. I would
also like to express our appreciation to Ambassador
Nawaf Salam of Lebanon and his team for their
excellent conduct of our work in September.

Brazil stands in solidarity with the aspirations
expressed by the populations of many Arab countries
for greater political participation, economic
opportunities, freedom and dignity. We have
consistently called on the countries concerned to
address such aspirations through dialogue and
meaningful reforms, and to refrain from the use of
force against peaceful demonstrators. Brazil has
unequivocally condemned human rights violations
wherever they occur.

The situation in Syria is of great concern to us.
Brazil has voiced this concern publicly and in our
conversations with the Syrian authorities, individually
and alongside our India-Brazil-South-Africa (IBSA)
partners. We have called for violence to cease and
humanitarian access to be granted.

Brazil has supported the establishment by the
Human Rights Council of a commission of inquiry,
which will be chaired by a Brazilian national. We hope
that the Syrian authorities will cooperate with the
commission. We take note of the initiatives announced
by the Syrian Government, including measures aimed
at reforming the political system and the release of
political prisoners. Such initiatives, however, cannot
attain their goal if violence continues.

We appreciate the efforts made by the sponsors of
this draft resolution (S/2011/612) to take different
views into account, but we would have wished that
further efforts had been made to muster broader
support before it was put to the vote. Because of
Syria’s centrality to stability in the region, it is all the
more important that the Council be able to act with
caution, and preferably with a single voice. We are
convinced that more time would have allowed for
differences to be bridged and for legitimate concerns to
be accommodated. We regret that this was not the case.

Brazil firmly believes that meaningful and
inclusive national dialogue, leading to effective
political reform, is the only way out of the current
crisis in Syria. We encourage the League of Arab States
to continue to play a constructive role through its
diplomatic efforts. Both collectively and individually,
Brazil will continue to advocate for a political
engagement that can effectively bear fruit and pave the
way for a peaceful solution to the crisis in Syria.

The President: I will now give the floor to the
representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.

Mr. Ja’afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in
Arabic): At the outset I wish to congratulate you,
Madam, on your assumption of the presidency of the
Security Council for this month. We also extend our
congratulations and appreciation to our fellow
Ambassador of Lebanon for his able and successful
conduct of the Council’s tasks during the past month.

The unprecedented, aggressive language used by
certain ambassadors against my country and against its
political leadership has facilitated my task today, for
their discourse underscored what we and other friendly
ambassadors have said, namely, that my country is
being targeted by its enemies on the basis of principle,
and not on any humanitarian reasons whatsoever. That
aggressive discourse has revealed the prejudice against
my country, Syria, and against its political leadership
that exists in certain Western capitals. The prejudice is
due to our independent political position, which does
not conform to the agendas of those capitals.

On 3 October, an armed terrorist group
assassinated both Saria Hassoun, the son of Grand
Mufti Ahmad Badreddin Hassoun, and Dr. Mohammad
al-Omar, a history professor at the University of
Aleppo. A few days ago, on 29 September, to be exact,
another armed terrorist group assassinated Aws Abdel
Karim Khalil, a nuclear engineer and dean of the
University of Homs. Two days earlier, on
27 September, a third armed terrorist group
assassinated Nael al-Dakhil, dean of the Chemistry
Faculty at the University of Homs, as well as
Dr. Mohammad Ali Akeel, dean of the Faculty of
Architecture of the University of Homs. On
25 September, a fourth armed terrorist group
assassinated Dr. Hassan Eid, Director of Cardiology at
the National Hospital in Homs.

All of those crimes were committed in the same
week. Unfortunately, they were added to the 800 army,
police and security personnel and a similar number of
our civilian citizens who were killed. We are deeply
saddened by that.

The armed terrorist groups inaugurated a new era
of terrorism, targeting Syria’s State institutions, the
army and universities, by assassinating our scientific,
medical, academic and spiritual leaders. Despite the
terrible haemorrhaging of the entire homeland of my
country, Syria, of which I am proud, there are certain
States that are leading the international campaign to
intervene in Syria under the pretext of human rights
and the protection of civilians. Those countries
continue to reject the existence of the armed terrorist
groups in Syria, for reasons that are known to all.

Moreover, those States continue to protect and
sponsor the leaders of those terrorist groups, whom
they host in their capitals. They continue to convene
for them one conference after another, where they
refuse to engage in dialogue with my Government.
Notably, those States are infamous for their black
notebook in the field of protecting human rights and
fundamental freedoms.

I do not think anyone would chose to ignore the
massacres and human rights violations that were
committed in Viet Nam, the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic, Cambodia, Algeria and many other African
countries and in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as in
Libya, and in the prisons of Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo
and the secret prisons in Europe, to mention just a few.

We have stated previously that Syria is
beleaguered by a two-pronged problem. The first prong
is that the country truly requires economic, political
and social reforms. Such reforms are necessary and the
masses have called for them. That is what we are
working to achieve. The second prong is the misuse of
the demands and needs of the masses for purposes that
are diametrically opposed to the desires of the Syrian
people. This includes misuse of those rightful demands
as a ladder to facilitate external opposition, provoke
sectarian unrest and insecurity, pave the way for
external intervention and to call for that intervention.

All of those actions are categorically rejected by
the Syrian people, including by the honest domestic
opposition. In that connection, certain parties within
the Security Council continue to promote the Council’s
involvement in Syria’s domestic affairs and
development, which is a tremendous disservice to the
rule of law. It is also in the interest of the agendas of
certain parties who oppose Syria on the basis of
unfounded pretexts, including the pretext of
maintaining international peace and security. That is
not in the interest of Syria’s security and stability. We
are astounded by that irrational non-objective political
trend that strives, in an absurd and frantic manner, to
undermine stability, security and coexistence in the
entire region generally, and in Syria in particular, by
defaming Syria and its important political stature and
role in the Arab region and the world.

Those parties have repeatedly abused the
Council, using it as a cover-up for implementing their
interventions in the domestic affairs of Member States.
And even when those parties were faced with the
desire of the other States on the Council to rise above
those interventionist policies, we noted that the former
resorted to unilateral actions outside the scope of
international law to implement their political and
military schemes. Hence, those parties — in violation
of international law — exported NATO forces to many
Member States of this international Organization, to
undermine their political stability, plunder their riches
and spread so-called creative anarchy in those
countries.

However — and this is a paradox — those parties
made aggressive use of the veto 50 times since 1948
against the Palestinians, in order to deprive them of
their legitimate rights and to prevent the establishment
of their State. A certain State used its veto power 50
times to protect Israel and it continues to threaten to
use its veto power. That could be considered taking
part in genocide, because that action is tantamount to
turning a blind eye to and supporting the Israeli
massacres in occupied Arab lands. That is without even
mentioning the misuse of the events and developments
in Syria to divert international public opinion away
from the legitimate demands of Palestinians to have
full membership in the United Nations.

The Syrian leadership responded quickly and
immediately to the legitimate demands of the Syrian
population. President Bashar Al-Assad announced a
comprehensive package of reforms, which our
Government is implementing by enacting a wide
spectrum of rules and legislation enhancing the
democratic process and expanding the participation of
our citizens in political and economic processes, in
complete independence of the external evaluations and
positions that have no place in our domestic affairs.
Reforms in Syria have become tangible realities on the
ground that can not be ignored. They are ongoing,
despite the attempts by people outside our country to
curtail those reforms by various means.

No State can claim that it is more desirous to
guarantee the safety and security of its citizens than
Syria. Since the unfortunate and painful events in our
country, we have strived to guarantee the security and
safety of each citizen. We have also endeavoured to
continue to provide basic services, food and medicine
without delay, despite the hasty imposition of
economic sanctions, imposed unilaterally and illegally,
outside of international consensus, against my country.
As we strive to stand against the forces of Israeli and
Western hegemony directed against our country, those
measures were intended to put pressure on the Syrian
population and their livelihoods and to push it to
replace its political regime. Such activities are a
violation of a people’s right to self-determination and
to choose its political system without outside pressure.
That is why claiming a motive in the so-called
humanitarian situation is only a pretext to intervene in
our domestic affairs in a way that is harmful to our
leaders and our country, in the interest of external
political agendas that have nothing to do with the
desire to promote humanitarian goals in Syria.

Syria received delegations from the Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the
International Committee of the Red Cross, presided
over by the Chairman of the Committee, who met
personally with our President, Bashar Al-Assad. They
and other international political, religious and media
delegations saw for themselves the provocation,
incitement and propaganda from certain circles aimed
at distorting the facts.

Certain Council members have tried of late to
intervene in our domestic affairs under the pretext of
the protection of civilians. We only wonder here where
they have been and why they have not protected
civilians in Palestine, the occupied Syrian Golan,
Southern Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya, when
the citizens of those countries were beleaguered by
crimes against humanity and war crimes. It is
interesting that the representative of France, on 14 July
of this year, extended thanks to Israel for its military
action against Syria in 2007. Could that not be
considered an encouragement and promotion of
aggression? Is that not against all rules and norms of
the international community and all ethical principles
that reject the use of force as a solution?

The international legal framework governing
international relations is based on the principle of
non-interference in the domestic affairs of States. It has
been enshrined in myriad international instruments,
chief among them the United Nations Charter, Article
2, paragraph 7. Therefore, the calls from certain circles
to topple the legitimate Government of Syria are an
irresponsible incitement aimed at undermining Syrian
stability. It is a glaring violation of the Charter of the
United Nations and is harmful to the interests of
Governments. Encouraging the radical demands of the
opposition in Syria to topple the Government by force
of arms, violence and terrorism amounts to a coup
supported by outside Powers and can certainly not be
considered as reform.

Is not the political declaration by certain leaders
and foreign ministers of countries on the Council that
the Syrian President has lost his legitimacy, and that
therefore he should step down, a blatant breach of
international law and the Charter of the United
Nations? Is that not a blatant interference in the
internal affairs of Syria and is it not subject to
questioning? Is that not tantamount to hindrance of
national reforms by inciting the Syrian people on the
streets against the legitimate Syrian leadership? Those
are questions that we leave to members to answer.

We hope that the United Nations and its Member
States will assist Syria in addressing the terrorist and
extremist acts and attempts to destabilize it. Hastily
defined positions should not be used to disguise
political pressure in order to encourage armed
extremist groups. Here, we wish to affirm that the
intervention of the Security Council in Syrian internal
affairs further aggravates the situation and sends a
message to extremists and terrorists that their acts of
deliberate sabotage and violence — towards which no
country can be lenient — are encouraged and
supported by the Security Council.

Syria, like other States Members of the
Organization, including those represented on the
Council, have problems that require reform. If there is
anyone here who has no problems and does not need
reform, they can cast a stone at us. While the greedy
schemes of our enemies inside and outside the Council
may succeed elsewhere at the expense of the stability,
security and safety of other countries, I can underscore
that Syria will stand resolute against any plot that
targets its sovereignty, national security, independence
and stability, as well as its independent political
decisions.

We therefore reject the manoeuvres of the
sponsors of the draft resolution that has just failed to
be adopted. Such political and media manoeuvres
target my country and its stature in the international
arena. The power of prestige is more important than
power itself. The sponsors have lost the power of
prestige, and now they have resorted to power, since
they have lost the trust of the majority of States
Members of the Organization.

Through such conduct, they undermine
international legitimacy and seek to lead the entire
world into a new colonial era and military adventures
in various places that are bound and doomed to fail.
Those very States led the whole world into two world
wars that claimed millions of lives on our planet. With
their colonial behaviour, their enslavement and their
attitude, they caused the untold suffering of hundreds
of millions in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

In closing, I wish to extend thanks, gratitude and
appreciation to the friendly States that rejected the
misuse and abuse of the Council as a tool to harm my
country’s interests, political independence, security and
stability. If we are optimistic about the Council, it is
because we continue to hear the voice of the wise
echoing in the Chamber, calling for a hand to be
extended to Syria to address its difficulties, to
encourage the Syrian Government to push ahead with
the desired reforms, and to call on the external
opposition to enter into a comprehensive national
dialogue in order to build a Syria for all our citizens
without exception.

The President: There are no further speakers
inscribed on my list. The Security Council has thus
concluded the present stage of its consideration of the
item on its agenda.

The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m